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| |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  | "Evolving and eroding level of trust." That's the official White House line on what cost Michael Flynn his job as National Security Adviser. It's also an apt phrase to describe the White House itself, in terms of its relationship with the press, the public, and Congress, for starters. Even leaving aside "alternative facts" for a moment, consider the Flynn affair itself: shifting explanations for what he said, and what he said about what he said. There's even new acknowledgements that President Trump knew three weeks ago that Flynn had misled his vice president but didn't act on it until Monday night. Now comes a New York Times report that Trump campaign officials and associates "had repeated contacts with senior Russian intelligence officials" during the campaign. And the public is supposed to just believe the president's casual denial that nothing like this happened? The Flynn matter has exposed rivalries and weaknesses inside the White House. It has also woken congressional watchdogs from their post-election slumber – for good reason. |  |  |  |  | At first glance, President Trump's most substantive Twitter response to the events of the last few days seems like an attempt to deflect: "The real story here is why there are so many illegal leaks coming out of Washington?" Yes, that's easier to address than the substance of what's emerging – until we get into leak investigations. But doesn't the president have a point? The public is learning an inordinate if not unprecedented amount of information about highly sensitive and classified information – the existence and even substance of secret (and secretly surveilled) phone conversations, details of active FBI and intelligence investigations, preliminary drafts of White House proposals. The president is right that there appears to be an effort, from deep inside the federal bureaucracy, to undermine him by exposing the inner workings of the new administration. You can argue that Trump deserves some of it, based on either his policies or his declarations against the intelligence community. (Don't forget the "Nazi Germany" comment, because you know intelligence pros don't.) But a scary consequence of these last few weeks could be a permanent presidential mistrust of intelligence and law-enforcement officials – a dangerous road for the president to be on. |  |  |  | It's hard to imagine the news environment where the visit of the Israeli prime minister is a sideshow, a kind of distraction that the White House actually hopes gets coverage on Wednesday. But with the Russians rattling national-security cages, and testing by the Iranians and North Koreans of the new administration, Middle East peace is actually kind of a respite. The White House is sending word that it might not insist on a two-state solution; "maybe, maybe not" is diplo-speak, nowadays, apparently. Bibi and Donald get to project strength and togetherness – until or unless they get a real question or two. |  |  |  | The latest stunning development in the relationship between the president and his aides and Russia came last night in a New York Times report revealing that Trump campaign officials and associates "had repeated contacts with senior Russian intelligence officials" during the campaign. It just reveals more questions about that relationship, communications, and much more. Questions that will keep getting asked. |  |  |  |  |  | President Trump hosts a listening session with the Retail Industry Leaders Association and member company CEOs. Then, President Trump welcomes Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the White House. At 12:00 p.m., the two leaders hold a joint press conference. After the press conference, Trump and Netanyahu will meet privately, followed by a working lunch. Trump also has a scheduled call with President Mauricio Macri of Argentina. In the evening, the Trumps host Senator Marco Rubio and Mrs. Rubio for dinner. |  |  |  |  | This email was sent to bamsdum.xiomi@blogger.com
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